Nas\u0131l bir anayasa sorusuna verilecek en kestirme, k\u0131sa ve net cevap elbette ki demokratik bir anayasa deyip konuyu kapatmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc demokrasi teorik olarak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin t\u00fcm farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 kapsayan \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir kavram. \u0130\u00e7inde T\u00fcrk, K\u00fcrt, Alevi, Suni gibi herhangi bir etnik ya da inan\u00e7 grubunun ad\u0131n\u0131 anmadan da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin t\u00fcm fay hatlar\u0131na \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00fcretecek \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir kavram. Demokratik sivil anayasa kavram\u0131 bu nedenle s\u0131kl\u0131kla kullan\u0131lan bir kavramd\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Anayasalar, \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc egemenlik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7erik, \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc devlet yap\u0131s\u0131 gibi daha pek \u00e7ok konuda farkl\u0131l\u0131k arz etmektedir. Yani anayasaya hakim olan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceye g\u00f6re demokratik ya da otoriter; \u00e7er\u00e7eve anayasa ya da ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 (kazuistik) anayasa; \u00fcniter devlet ya da federal devlet anayasas\u0131 gibi farkl\u0131l\u0131klar arz etmektedir. Bunun d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda da de\u011fi\u015ftirme usulleri g\u00f6zetilerek kat\u0131 veya yumu\u015fak anayasa olarak tasnif edilmektedir. Y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckteki 1982 Anayasas\u0131 bu kriterlere g\u00f6re de\u011ferlendirildi\u011finde ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 olarak kaleme al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, \u00fcniter devleti esas alan, de\u011fi\u015ftirilme usul\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan sert ve otoriter bir anayasa olarak de\u011ferlendirmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Gelinen a\u015famada T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00e7ok kimlikli, \u00e7ok inan\u00e7l\u0131 \u00e7o\u011fulcu yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zard\u0131 eden, T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve sunili\u011fi ana eksene alan, di\u011fer kimlikleri ve inan\u00e7lar\u0131 bu potalarda eritmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan 1982 Anayasas\u0131n\u0131n derde deva olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015fikard\u0131r. K\u00fcrtlerin kimlik , Alevilerin inan\u00e7 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc talebi, s\u00fcnilerin kat\u0131 laiklik ilkesine kar\u015f\u0131 itirazlar\u0131 dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda mevcut anayasa topluma birka\u00e7 g\u00f6mlek dar gelmekte, toplumsal fay hatlar\u0131n\u0131 tetiklemekte, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma alanlar\u0131n\u0131 derinle\u015ftirmekte ya da yeni \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma alanlar\u0131 yaratmaktad\u0131r. Peki o zaman topluma dar gelen bu anayasa kimin anayasas\u0131?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Anayasalar devletlerin kurucu s\u00f6zle\u015fmesidir. Temel ama\u00e7 siyasal g\u00fcc\u00fcn kimler taraf\u0131ndan nas\u0131l kullan\u0131laca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kurallara ba\u011flamak, b\u00f6ylece bu g\u00fcc\u00fcn k\u00f6t\u00fcye kullan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ya da suistimal edilmesini engellemektir. Yani en yayg\u0131n tan\u0131m\u0131yla yurtta\u015f\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fc elinde bulundurana kar\u015f\u0131 yani devlete kar\u015f\u0131 korumakt\u0131r. 1982 Anayasa\u2019s\u0131n\u0131n en \u00e7ok ele\u015ftirilen y\u00f6nlerinden biri de farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 tehdit olarak g\u00f6ren ve bu tehditlere kar\u015f\u0131 devleti koruyan bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce sistemati\u011fine sahip olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu tehdit alg\u0131s\u0131 nedeniyle farkl\u0131 kimlikleri ve inan\u00e7lar\u0131 reddeden, etnik ve inan\u00e7 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan homojen bir ulus devlet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 anayasan\u0131n dibacesi de dahil olmak \u00fczere t\u00fcm ruhuna sinmi\u015ftir. Bu nedenle 1982 Anayasas\u0131 toplumun de\u011fil devletin anayasas\u0131d\u0131r, yani toplumu ya da bireyi koruyan de\u011fil, devleti koruyan ve y\u00fccelten bir anayasad\u0131r. Dolays\u0131yla anayasada de\u011fi\u015fmesi gereken temel ilke devletin de\u011fil yurtta\u015f\u0131n korundu\u011fu ve \u00f6ncelendi\u011fi bir ruh ve anlay\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
1982 anayasas\u0131na hakim olan \u201cdevlet\u00e7i\u201d ruh anayasan\u0131n tamam\u0131na sirayet etmi\u015ftir. Anayasan\u0131n oda\u011f\u0131nda olan bu anlay\u0131\u015f, devlete; inan\u00e7, e\u011fitim ve kimlik dahil olmak \u00fczere t\u00fcm sosyal ve siyasal alana mutlak hakimiyet alan\u0131 a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f, devleti adeta bir sosyal m\u00fchendislik yetkileriyle donatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. S\u00f6z\u00fcmona laiklik ilkesi devleti din i\u015flerinin tam oda\u011f\u0131na yerle\u015ftirmi\u015f, resmen ilan edilmese de \u201ctek din\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, iktidarlar\u0131n ideolojilerinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak adeta bir devlet uygulamas\u0131 haline gelmi\u015ftir. Bu tek\u00e7i anlay\u0131\u015f Aleviler ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere farkl\u0131 inan\u00e7 gruplar\u0131n\u0131n itiraz\u0131yla ka\u015f\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f; inan\u00e7lar aras\u0131nda gerilimlere sebep olmu\u015f, zaman zaman da pogromlara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu sebeple anayasada elzem olan bir di\u011fer de\u011fi\u015fiklik otoriter laiklik ilkesinin yerine, devletin din ve vicdan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc konusunda tam tarafs\u0131z kalarak, t\u00fcm inan\u00e7 ve inan\u00e7s\u0131zl\u0131k bi\u00e7imlerini g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan, din ve devlet i\u015flerinin ayr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 bireysel haklar \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde savunan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc laiklik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Bireyin din, vicdan ve ibadet \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc savunmak temel ama\u00e7t\u0131r. Devletin g\u00f6revi de farkl\u0131 inan\u00e7 gruplar\u0131n\u0131n birbirine bask\u0131 kurmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nlemektir. Nihayet en temel farklardan biri de dini\/inanc\u0131 kamusal alandan t\u00fcm\u00fcyle silmek de\u011fil, din ve inan\u00e7 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc korumakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Vatanda\u015fl\u0131k\/yurtta\u015fl\u0131k tan\u0131m\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin anayasa ser\u00fcveninin en tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 konusudur. 1924 Anayasas\u0131 ile ba\u015flayan ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck farkl\u0131l\u0131klarla 1961 ve 1982 Anayasalar\u0131na da sirayet eden T\u00fcrk\/T\u00fcrkl\u00fck vurgulu vatanda\u015fl\u0131k tan\u0131m\u0131 \u00fczerine ciltler dolusu kitaplar, makaleler ve tezler yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu sorunlu tan\u0131m ayn\u0131 zamanda hemen her d\u00f6nem siyasetin ve sivil toplumun da g\u00fcndemini me\u015fgul etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Vatanda\u015fl\u0131k tan\u0131m\u0131 1982 Anayasas\u0131n\u0131n 66. maddesinde d\u00fczenlenmi\u015ftir. Buna g\u00f6re; \u201cT\u00fcrk Devletine vatanda\u015fl\u0131k ba\u011f\u0131 ile ba\u011fl\u0131 olan herkes T\u00fcrkt\u00fcr.\u201d Maddenin lafzi yorumuna g\u00f6re \u201cdevlette de T\u00fcrk\u201d o devletin vatanda\u015f\u0131 olan \u201cherkes de T\u00fcrk\u201d. Bu d\u00fczenlemenin destek\u00e7ileri buradaki \u201cT\u00fcrk\u201d vurgusunun bir etnisiteyi de\u011fil, bir co\u011frafyay\u0131 ya da k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kimli\u011fi (\u00fcst kimlik) kapsad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrmektedir. Bu savlar ger\u00e7e\u011fi yans\u0131tmamakla birlikte ger\u00e7ek olsa bile zaten sorunlu yakla\u015f\u0131mlard\u0131r. Bir co\u011frafyada (\u00fclke s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde) birden fazla etnik grup ya\u015fayabilir ve pek tabi ki bu etnik gruplar\u0131n kendi dilleri ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrleri de mevcuttur. Dolays\u0131yla bu sorunlu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n iler tutar bir yan\u0131 yok.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyetinin (Osmanl\u0131 d\u00f6nemi hari\u00e7) y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k anayasa ge\u00e7mi\u015finde etnik vurgulu vatanda\u015fl\u0131k tan\u0131m\u0131nda \u0131srar; \u00fclkenin \u00e7ok kimlikli, \u00e7ok inan\u00e7l\u0131, \u00e7ok k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc ve \u00e7ok dilli \u00e7o\u011fulcu yap\u0131s\u0131 ile ba\u011fda\u015fmamaktad\u0131r. \u00c7o\u011fulculu\u011fu bo\u011fan tek ulus, tek dil ve tek inan\u00e7 \u0131srar\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00f6l\u00e7eklerde isyanlara ve toplumsal k\u0131r\u0131lmalara neden olmu\u015ftur. K\u00fcrt Meselesine de kaynakl\u0131k eden bu tek\u00e7i yakla\u015f\u0131m yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u011f\u0131r maliyetler nedeniyle art\u0131k s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir bir politika olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sorunu a\u015fman\u0131n yolu basittir. Bir\u00e7ok anayasa hukuk\u00e7usu ve STK\u2019n\u0131n \u00fczerinde uzla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere Anayasan\u0131n 66. Maddesinin \u201cT\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019ne (Devlete) vatanda\u015fl\u0131k ba\u011f\u0131 ile ba\u011fl\u0131 olan herkes T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti vatanda\u015f\u0131d\u0131r ve e\u015fit haklara sahiptir\u201d<\/strong><\/em> \u015feklinde bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik bu alandaki tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 sona erdirecektir. Bu \u00f6neri vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, etnik bir kimli\u011fe referans\u0131 olmaks\u0131z\u0131n hukuki bir ba\u011f olarak tan\u0131mlamaktad\u0131r. Bu \u015fekilde bir d\u00fczenleme, \u00fclkede ya\u015fayan b\u00fct\u00fcn etnik gruplar i\u00e7in dil ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr haklar\u0131n\u0131n koruma alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131na ve geli\u015ftirilmesine, ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde s\u0131n\u0131rlanmas\u0131na ve nihayetinde toplumsal bar\u0131\u015fa ciddi bir katk\u0131 sunacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Cumhuriyet d\u00f6nemi anayasalar\u0131n\u0131n ve nihayetinde 1982 Anayasas\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir di\u011fer temel kriz alan\u0131 ise \u201cdil\u201d konusundaki tek\u00e7i yakla\u015f\u0131md\u0131r. Bu yasak\u00e7\u0131 ve tek\u00e7i yakla\u015f\u0131m 1983 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan 2932 T\u00fcrk\u00e7eden Ba\u015fka Dillerle Yap\u0131lacak Yay\u0131nlar Hakk\u0131nda Kanun ile t\u00fcm kamusal alandaki farkl\u0131 dil kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 da yasaklayan kanun ile birle\u015fti\u011finde T\u00fcrk\u00e7e d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki diller konusunda tam bir yasakl\u0131l\u0131k haline sebep olmu\u015ftur. Dil konusunda bir tak\u0131m palyatif iyile\u015ftirmeler yap\u0131lsa da, kimlik temelli k\u00fclt\u00fcrel haklar\u0131n korunmas\u0131 ve geli\u015ftirilmesi, anadilinde e\u011fitim konusunda gerekli anayasal ve yasal d\u00fczenlemeler yapmadan sorunun nihai \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc m\u00fcmk\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcnmemektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u201cana dili\u201d kavramsal olarak resmi dilin kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ya da rakibi olarak ele al\u0131nmakta kriminal bir mesele olarak damgalanmaktad\u0131r. Halbuki d\u00fcnyada birden fazla resmi dili olan \u00e7ok say\u0131da \u00fcniter devlet \u00f6rne\u011fine rastlamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. Dolays\u0131yla bilimsel \u00e7er\u00e7eveyi esas alan \u00e7ok dilli ve \u00e7ok k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc bir anayasal d\u00fczenleme, \u00fclkenin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel zenginli\u011fine ciddi bir katk\u0131 sunaca\u011f\u0131 gibi i\u00e7 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 da ortadan kald\u0131rma i\u015flevi g\u00f6rece\u011finden ku\u015fku bulunmamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 1982 Anayasas\u0131n\u0131n \u201cE\u011fitim ve \u00f6\u011frenim hakk\u0131 ve \u00f6devi\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 42. Maddesinde k\u00fclt\u00fcrel haklar\u0131 koruma ve geli\u015ftirme, ana dilinde kamu hizmeti alama ve anadilinde e\u011fitim haklar\u0131 konusundaki k\u0131s\u0131tlay\u0131c\u0131 ve yasaklay\u0131c\u0131 bir tarzda kaleme al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye, bu politikan\u0131n devam\u0131 olarak taraf oldu\u011fu baz\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 s\u00f6zle\u015fmelerdeki ana dilinin kullan\u0131lmas\u0131na ili\u015fkin maddelere \u00e7ekince koymu\u015ftur. Dil konusunda hem ulusal mevzuat a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, hem de taraf olunan uluslararas\u0131 mevzuat a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tavizsiz bir yasakl\u0131l\u0131k hali s\u00f6z konusu. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Baz\u0131 anayasa hukuk\u00e7ular\u0131 ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 olarak sert kutuplara ayr\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir siyasal iklimde bu t\u00fcr netameli meselelerin demokratik bir \u00e7er\u00e7evede \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn zorluklar\u0131na dikkat \u00e7ekerek Anayasan\u0131n 42.maddesinin \u00f6zellikle son f\u0131kras\u0131 olmak \u00fczere di\u011fer yasaklay\u0131c\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmleri ilga ederek n\u00f6tr bir tutum belirlemenin ve sorunun yasal d\u00fczenleme ile \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7in meclise havale edilmesini ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 i\u00e7in bir ad\u0131m olarak de\u011ferlendirilebilece\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Ancak 1982 anayasas\u0131n\u0131n antidemokratik yap\u0131s\u0131 nedeniyle sebep oldu\u011fu toplumsal krizlerin daha fazla ertelenmesi yeni krizlere yol a\u00e7ma riskini de beraberinde getirebilir. K\u00fcrt Meselesi ba\u011flam\u0131nda konu ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u201cdil talebinin\u201d anayasal d\u00fczlemde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesinin sorunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne \u00e7ok ciddi bir katk\u0131 sunaca\u011f\u0131ndan ku\u015fku bulunmamaktad\u0131r. Bu nedenledir ki yeni anayasada \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcrel haklar\u201d, \u201cana dilinde kamu hizmeti alma\u201d ve \u201canadilinde e\u011fitim\u201d taleplerini kar\u015f\u0131layacak bir d\u00fczenleme K\u00fcrt Meselesinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne ciddi bir katk\u0131 sunaca\u011f\u0131 gibi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ya\u015fayan di\u011fer etnik gruplar\u0131n da aidiyetini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirecektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu yaz\u0131da de\u011finece\u011fim son konu, T\u00fcrkiye gibi hem co\u011frafik olarak b\u00fcy\u00fck, hem de n\u00fcfus olarak kalabal\u0131k ve toplumsal olarak \u00e7o\u011fulcu yap\u0131s\u0131yla ba\u011fda\u015fmayan kat\u0131 merkeziyet\u00e7i idari yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n daha ademi merkeziyet\u00e7i bir y\u00f6netim modeline olan ihtiyac\u0131na dair \u00f6nermedir. Hemen s\u00f6yleyeyim ademi merkeziyet\u00e7ilik \u00fcniter devletin alternatifi de\u011fildir. Aksine kamu idaresine ait yetkilerin demokratik \u015fekilde da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131 ve payla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Literat\u00fcrde yerel demokrasi olarak da adland\u0131r\u0131lan bu y\u00f6nl\u00fc talepler \u00e7e\u015fitli siyasi partiler ve siyasi akt\u00f6rler taraf\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 zaman dilimlerinde dile getirilmi\u015f ancak korkular ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7mi\u015f ve bu talep bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve \u00f6telenmi\u015ftir. Bu konudaki en yak\u0131n ve g\u00fcncel giri\u015fim 2004 y\u0131l\u0131nda AKP taraf\u0131ndan Meclis g\u00fcndemine getirilen 5227 say\u0131l\u0131 “Kamu Y\u00f6netimi Temel Kanunu Tasar\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r.” Bu yasa, yerinden y\u00f6netim, kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k, \u015feffafl\u0131k ve hesap verebilirlik ilkelerini merkeze alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. D\u00f6nemin cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan veto edildi\u011fi i\u00e7in kad\u00fck kalan bu yasa, merkezi y\u00f6netimin yetkilerinin bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n yerel y\u00f6netimlere devrini ve merkezi idarenin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclt\u00fclmesini ama\u00e7lam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Hukuki denetim (vesayet) yerine, yerindelik denetimini \u00f6nceleyen; bu \u015fekilde yerel demokrasiyi g\u00fc\u00e7lendiren bu yasa revize edilerek pekala yeniden meclise sunulabilir. G\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmi\u015f ve yerelle\u015fmi\u015f demokrasi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne de \u00f6nemli bir dayanak olu\u015fturacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti kuruldu\u011fu g\u00fcnden bug\u00fcne, son y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131nda enerjisinin \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 \u201ci\u00e7erideki\u201d sorunlara harcam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Demokratikle\u015fmeyle \u00e7\u00f6zebilece\u011fi bir\u00e7ok sorunu, yapay korkularla bir g\u00fcvenlik sorunu olarak ele alm\u0131\u015f, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck-g\u00fcvenlik dengesinde s\u00fcrekli g\u00fcvenli\u011fi \u00f6ncelemi\u015ftir. Bu \u00f6nceli\u011fin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz sonucu olarak demokratikle\u015fme, devlet b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tehdit olarak alg\u0131lanm\u0131\u015f; bask\u0131, asimilasyon politikalar\u0131 yegane \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm y\u00f6ntemi olarak benimsenmi\u015ftir. K\u00fcrt Meselesi ba\u011flam\u0131nda tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan temel hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler, T\u00fcrkiye siyasetinde \u201cb\u00f6l\u00fcnme fobisi\u201d ile e\u015fde\u011fer bir siyasal s\u00f6ylem haline gelmi\u015ftir. Hi\u00e7 ku\u015fkusuz bir\u00e7ok siyasi akt\u00f6r siyasal ikbal u\u011fruna bu yapay tehdidi iyi ambalajlay\u0131p, cilalay\u0131p kitlelere sunmu\u015ftur. Bu yapay korku \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k ve nefret s\u00f6ylemlerini k\u00f6r\u00fcklemi\u015f, kitleleri ve siyasi akt\u00f6rleri demokrasi ve bar\u0131\u015f giri\u015fimlerinden de olabildi\u011fince uzakla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yani \u00f6zcesi r\u00fczgar ekenler f\u0131rt\u0131na bi\u00e7mek zorunda kald\u0131. Ama \u015fimdi f\u0131rt\u0131na dindi, bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve demokrasiyi konu\u015fman\u0131n tam zaman\u0131. Demokrasi birle\u015ftirir, ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k ve yok sayma ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 \u201ctek millet\u201d ve \u201ctek inan\u00e7\u201d paradigmas\u0131 \u00fczerine in\u015fa eden cumhuriyet, gelinen a\u015famada hi\u00e7 kimsenin derdine deva olamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mutsuz, \u00f6tekile\u015ftirilmi\u015f ve kimli\u011finden ve inanc\u0131ndan soyutlanm\u0131\u015f, ortak de\u011ferleri olmayan bir toplumsal enkaz yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm, inan\u00e7lara ve kimliklere e\u015fit mesafede, farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 koruyan demokratik bir toplumun yeniden in\u015fas\u0131d\u0131r. Aksi politikalar, devletin her t\u00fcrl\u00fc zor ara\u00e7lar\u0131yla denenmi\u015f ve ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarih taraf\u0131ndan tasdik edilmi\u015ftir. Denenmemi\u015f olan, demokratikle\u015fme ve yerelle\u015fmedir. Onun da tam zaman\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Nas\u0131l bir anayasa sorusuna verilecek en kestirme, k\u0131sa ve net cevap elbette ki demokratik bir anayasa deyip konuyu kapatmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc demokrasi teorik olarak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin t\u00fcm farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 kapsayan \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir kavram. \u0130\u00e7inde T\u00fcrk, K\u00fcrt, Alevi, Suni gibi herhangi bir etnik ya da inan\u00e7 grubunun ad\u0131n\u0131 anmadan da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin t\u00fcm fay hatlar\u0131na \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00fcretecek \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":26,"featured_media":193,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[36,37],"issue":[3],"class_list":["post-160","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-202604_1","tag-ihd","tag-insan-haklari-dernegi","issue-nisan-2026"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/160","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/26"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=160"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/160\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":257,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/160\/revisions\/257"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/193"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=160"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=160"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=160"},{"taxonomy":"issue","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fissue&post=160"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}