{"id":155,"date":"2026-04-01T06:00:45","date_gmt":"2026-04-01T03:00:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/?p=155"},"modified":"2026-04-01T16:28:47","modified_gmt":"2026-04-01T13:28:47","slug":"iyi-parti-anayasa-degisikligi-butun-sorunlari-cozecek-mi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/?p=155","title":{"rendered":"Anayasa De\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi B\u00fct\u00fcn Sorunlar\u0131 \u00c7\u00f6zecek mi?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Mehmet Satuk Bu\u011fra KAVUNCU<\/strong> \/ \u0130Y\u0130 Parti S\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki b\u00fct\u00fcn sorunlar\u0131n temeline anayasa meselesini yerle\u015ftirmek ve anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi sayesinde b\u00fct\u00fcn sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek T\u00fcrk siyasetinin ezber kal\u0131plar\u0131ndan biri haline geldi. 1808\u2019de imzalanan Sened-i \u0130ttifak ile ba\u015flatabilece\u011fimiz anayasal s\u00fcre\u00e7ler, Tanzimat Ferman\u0131\u2019ndan Islahat Ferman\u0131\u2019na, 1876\u2019da ilan edilen Kanun-i Esasi\u2019den Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n da\u011f\u0131lma s\u00fcrecine kadar Cumhuriyet \u00f6ncesinde de farkl\u0131 denemelerin konusu oldu. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de anayasa ve kanun \u00e7er\u00e7evesi ile demokrasi ad\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n 200 y\u0131ll\u0131k bir ge\u00e7mi\u015finin bulundu\u011funu ifade etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. 1921\u2019deki Te\u015fkil\u00e2t-\u0131 Esasiye, sava\u015f d\u00f6neminin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 yans\u0131tan bir anayasa olmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan bir ge\u00e7i\u015f d\u00f6nemi \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyd\u00fc. Bu sebeple, art\u0131k ger\u00e7ek bir devlet vasf\u0131n\u0131 kazanm\u0131\u015f olan T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin yeni anayasa ihtiyac\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde, 1924 Anayasas\u0131 kabul edildi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1924 Anayasas\u0131, 27 May\u0131s 1960 darbesinin ard\u0131ndan 1961 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar ge\u00e7erli kald\u0131 ve 1961 y\u0131l\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin en \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlanan anayasas\u0131 kabul edildi. Oysa ki bu anayasa da bir askeri vesayet \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyd\u00fc ve 1961\u2019den, y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131 1982\u2019ye kadar de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fe u\u011frad\u0131. Hatta 1961 Anayasas\u0131, 1980 askeri darbesinin de gerek\u00e7eleri aras\u0131nda say\u0131ld\u0131. Oysa ki ayn\u0131 anayasa, ilan\u0131ndan y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131r\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131na kadar defalarca de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fe u\u011fram\u0131\u015f ve en kapsaml\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fiklikler de 1971-1973 d\u00f6neminde, 12 Mart muht\u0131ras\u0131n\u0131n da etkisiyle teknokrat kabineler taraf\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015fti. Hatta bu anayasa kimi siyaset\u00e7ilere g\u00f6re T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye \u201cfazla\u201d gelmi\u015fti ve k\u0131s\u0131tlanmal\u0131yd\u0131. Ancak anayasa odakl\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmalar sorunlar\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zmedi ve 12 Eyl\u00fcl 1980 askeri darbesi ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Darbe y\u00f6netimi, ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdikleri darbeyi me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken en \u00e7ok da defalarca de\u011fi\u015ftirilen 1961 Anayasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131 sorumlu tutmu\u015f ve k\u00f6t\u00fclemi\u015fti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yine bir askeri darbe ve yine de\u011fi\u015fen anayasa\u2026 \u00dcstelik ayn\u0131 bu anayasa da t\u0131pk\u0131 1961 Anayasas\u0131 gibi askeri vesayetin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyd\u00fc ve yine defalarca de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fe maruz b\u0131rak\u0131lacakt\u0131. 1982 Anayasas\u0131 ilk kabul edildi\u011finde 177 madde ve 16 ge\u00e7ici madde i\u00e7eriyordu. Bu maddelerin %75\u2019i, anayasan\u0131n kabul edili\u015finden bu yana, farkl\u0131 iktidarlar taraf\u0131ndan de\u011fi\u015ftirildi. Bunlar\u0131n bir k\u0131sm\u0131 2000\u2019lerin ba\u015f\u0131ndaki Avrupa Birli\u011fi ak\u0131m\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde AB Uyum Paketi\u2019yle, bir k\u0131sm\u0131 2010\u2019lardaki hukuki odak \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde yarg\u0131 reformuyla ve nihayetinde hep tart\u0131l\u0131\u015fan siyasi sistem oda\u011f\u0131yla h\u00fck\u00fcmet sistemi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi. S\u00fcrekli ya\u015fanan b\u00fct\u00fcn problemlerin oda\u011f\u0131na yerle\u015ftirilen, tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan ve de\u011fi\u015ftirilen anayasa g\u00fcndemiyle T\u00fcrkiye, asl\u0131nda korumas\u0131 gereken bir de\u011fer olarak \u201canayasal y\u00f6netim\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n de\u011ferini ve i\u00e7eri\u011fini unuttu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye bug\u00fc<\/strong>n nerede?<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bug\u00fcn nerede oldu\u011funun cevab\u0131n\u0131 alabilmek i\u00e7in, AKP iktidar\u0131 d\u00f6nemindeki de\u011fi\u015fikliklere ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 iyi irdelemek gerekiyor. Zira de\u011fi\u015fiklikler, yeni bir anayasa \u00f6nerilerinin temelini olu\u015fturmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli. Asl\u0131nda 2010\u2019daki anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011finin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00e7ok k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre sonra ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Adalet mekanizmas\u0131ndaki d\u00fczenlemeler, yarg\u0131 sisteminde farkl\u0131 odaklar\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7 yar\u0131\u015f\u0131na hizmet etti ve bunun sonunca devlete paralel yap\u0131lanmalar\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7 kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131, bunlar\u0131n askeri vesayetle m\u00fccadele iddias\u0131yla me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve en nihayetinde iktidar odaklar\u0131na y\u00f6nelik bir sava\u015fa giri\u015fti\u011fi bir s\u00fcreci h\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Yarg\u0131 sistemindeki partizan ve cemaat kadrola\u015fmalar\u0131, hukuk sisteminde bug\u00fcnlere gelen \u00e7ok kapsaml\u0131 ve kal\u0131c\u0131 hasarlara yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Bug\u00fcn bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ana muhalefet partisine y\u00f6nelik soru\u015fturmalar\u0131 ba\u015flatan savc\u0131n\u0131n Adalet Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6revine getirilmesiyle, davay\u0131 ba\u015flatan ki\u015finin davaya bakacak hakimlerin ba\u015f\u0131na ve olas\u0131 itiraz makamlar\u0131n\u0131n da oda\u011f\u0131na yerle\u015ftirildi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. T\u00fcrkiye bug\u00fcnlere bir anda m\u0131 geldi yoksa anayasal de\u011fi\u015fikliklerin iktidar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 g\u00f6zetilerek ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmesi sonucu bir sistem krizi mi meydana geldi? Yani sorumluluk anayasada m\u0131, yoksa onu keyfi olarak uygulama ve uygulamama serbestli\u011finde olanlarda m\u0131?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yarg\u0131n\u0131n tamamen ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kaybetti\u011finin; HSK\u2019daki da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m, \u00fcyelerin se\u00e7imi, Anayasa Mahkemesi \u00fcyelerinin se\u00e7im \u015fekli vb. hususlar T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de denge\u2013denetleme sisteminin tamamen kayboldu\u011funun ve kuvvetler ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n neredeyse resmi olarak da ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n somut g\u00f6stergeleri mevcut. Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de HSK se\u00e7imini kaybeden bir isim, bir hafta sonra iktidar partisinin il\u00e7e ba\u015fkan\u0131 olarak atan\u0131yor. Bu iktidar bir g\u00fc\u00e7 zehirlenmesi \u00fczerine kurulu, ald\u0131k\u00e7a daha fazlas\u0131n\u0131 istiyor, daha fazlas\u0131n\u0131 istedik\u00e7e bunu b\u00fct\u00fcn sisteme yay\u0131yor ve mekanizmalar\u0131 da ortadan kald\u0131rd\u0131k\u00e7a pervas\u0131zl\u0131k daha da art\u0131yor. Sistemin i\u015fleyi\u015fi i\u00e7in bu zorunlu. Devlet sadece muhaliflerini denetleyen, daha do\u011frusu devletin \u015fu andaki sistemi bunu \u00fcst\u00fcne kurgulanm\u0131\u015f bir sistem, bir yap\u0131 haline geldi. Denetleme tamamen ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015f durumda ve bu alenile\u015fiyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan bir ba\u015fka \u00f6rnek, 2017\u2019daki \u015faibeli referandumla kabul edilen ve 2018 itibariyle uygulanmaya ba\u015flanan Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 H\u00fck\u00fcmet Sistemi. Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 H\u00fck\u00fcmet Sistemi\u2019nin i\u015fleyi\u015fi de\u011ferlendirildi\u011finde \u015fu net olarak g\u00f6z\u00fck\u00fcyor: Her ge\u00e7en y\u0131l geriye giden bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 ve hemen her alanda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kaos ve geriye gidi\u015f. Devletin t\u00fcm kurumlar\u0131nda bir verimsizlik s\u00f6z konusu; e\u011fitimden sa\u011fl\u0131\u011fa kadar her alanda ciddi bir gerileme net olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sistemin i\u015fleyi\u015fi, bug\u00fcn gelinen noktaya bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ciddi zafiyetler, sak\u0131ncalar ve riskler bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131yor. Kurumlar aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilerde adeta kopma noktas\u0131na gelmi\u015f, s\u00fcrekli tekrarlayan uygulamalar, birbirinden habersiz kurumlar\u2026 Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Saray\u0131 apayr\u0131 bir mekanizma. TBMM yetkileri tamamen azalt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, b\u00fct\u00e7e gibi en temel meselelerden biri darmada\u011f\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor. Bakanlar\u0131n yetkileri ve pozisyonlar\u0131 keza ayn\u0131. \u00d6rne\u011fin baz\u0131 Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Ba\u015fdan\u0131\u015fmanlar\u0131 de facto bakanlar olarak sistemde yer al\u0131yor. Yolsuzluk ise T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yeni normali haline gelmi\u015f durumda; r\u00fc\u015fvet, adam kay\u0131rma, liyakatsizlik ve yolsuzluk ekseninde bir \u00fclkedeki anayasa \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n niteli\u011fi de elbette tart\u0131\u015fma konusudur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bug\u00fcn nerede oldu\u011funa dair son \u00f6nemli mesele, son zamanlarda anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na paralel olarak gittik\u00e7e artan \u00fcniter devlet ve cumhuriyetimizin temel ilkelerine y\u00f6nelik sald\u0131r\u0131lar. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kas\u0131tl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde, cumhuriyeti var eden ortak kimli\u011fi h\u0131rpalayacak, \u00fcniter yap\u0131y\u0131 ve cumhuriyetin temel ilkelerini sarsacak birtak\u0131m konular g\u00fcndeme getiriliyor. T\u00fcrkiye, b\u00f6lgede Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn \u00f6nderli\u011finde kurmu\u015f oldu\u011fu cumhuriyet ile y\u00fczy\u0131ld\u0131r dimdik ayakta kalm\u0131\u015f, sa\u011flam bir temel \u00fczerinde gelecek nesillerin her zaman daha iyiye g\u00f6t\u00fcrecek ad\u0131mlar atabilme kapasitesini g\u00f6stermi\u015f. Ancak maalesef, bug\u00fcn ba\u015flat\u0131lan anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, asl\u0131nda kuruldu\u011fu g\u00fcnden beri cumhuriyet ile meselesi olanlar\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131. Anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n hedefi, amac\u0131 a\u015fik\u00e2r. Etnik b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck, siyasal \u0130sl\u00e2m ve cumhuriyetle ve yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011ferlerle sorunu olanlar\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir tart\u0131\u015fma iklimi s\u00f6z konusu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye yar\u0131n nerede olacak?<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

AKP iktidarda oldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yar\u0131n\u0131nda bir anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131 a\u015fik\u00e2r. Ancak bunun zemini sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 ve demokratik de\u011fil. Mevcut sistem ve iktidar yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n bunu demokratik bir \u00e7er\u00e7eveye yerle\u015ftirmek gibi bir kayg\u0131s\u0131 ise hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde yok. T\u00fcrk siyasi tarihinde hep g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz gibi, b\u00fct\u00fcn k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fcklerin ve olumsuzluklar\u0131n temeline yine anayasa yerle\u015ftiriliyor. Oysa ki anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fini hedefleyen iktidar anayasay\u0131 a\u015f\u0131yor, ba\u011flayac\u0131 bir \u015fekilde kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda duran anayasa meselesini bir engel olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyor ve bu engeli a\u015fmak i\u00e7in anayasan\u0131n tart\u0131\u015f\u0131larak h\u0131rpalanmas\u0131na m\u00fcsaade ediyor. Bu tart\u0131\u015fma bir zemin yaratmak de\u011fil; anayasa olgusuna darbe vurulmas\u0131 maksatl\u0131. Asl\u0131nda h\u0131rpalanan da eski anayasa de\u011fil; anayasal y\u00f6netim modeli ve anayasan\u0131n de\u011feri. Anayasa gibi hayati bir mekanizma, a\u015f\u0131lmak \u00fczere duran bir engel gibi alg\u0131lan\u0131yor ve keyfi y\u00f6netim anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na uyarlanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor. Buray\u0131 iyi s\u00fcslemek ve kamuoyu alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 desteklemek i\u00e7in en \u00e7ok \u201csivil\u201d vurgusu kullan\u0131l\u0131yor. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki demokratik de\u011ferler, hukukun \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, denge-denetim mekanizmas\u0131 ve bir\u00e7ok konuda ger\u00e7ekten \u201csivil\u201d bir anlay\u0131\u015f var m\u0131 yoksa darbe d\u00f6nemlerini aratmayan bir bask\u0131 mekanizmas\u0131 uygulan\u0131yor mu?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130Y\u0130 Parti olarak anayasaya dair \u00e7izilen tart\u0131\u015fma \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde oda\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00e7ok net, anayasam\u0131z\u0131n ilk d\u00f6rt maddesi tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaz k\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 \u00e7izgimiz. Cumhuriyetin temel niteliklerini de\u011fi\u015ftirmeyecek; demokratik, laik ve sosyal hukuk devleti anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 koruyacak ve en \u00f6nemlisi de h\u00fck\u00fcmet sistemi modelini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmi\u015f parlamenter sistemle d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrecek bir anayasa ba\u011flam\u0131 \u015fart. Fakat bunlardan daha da \u00f6nemlisi, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de anayasan\u0131n uyulabilir ve ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131 bir temel oldu\u011funu siyaset ortam\u0131na yeniden kazand\u0131rmak ve inand\u0131rmak gerekli. Yani bir anayasadan \u00f6nce, ba\u011fl\u0131 kal\u0131nacak bir anayasa de\u011ferini bilin\u00e7 olarak kazand\u0131rmak ve tart\u0131\u015fma \u00e7er\u00e7evesini buraya yerle\u015ftirmek \u00f6ncelik olmal\u0131. E\u011fer bu olmazsa, anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi \u00f6nerenler, yeni anayasayla i\u015fleri bitti\u011finde ya da bu anayasa art\u0131k i\u015flerine yaramaz hale geldi\u011finde yine anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ba\u015flatabilirler. Bu sebeple en ba\u015fta, anayasan\u0131n siyaset kurumu ve siyasi akt\u00f6rler i\u00e7in ne ifade etti\u011finin anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 ve bu konuda bir zihniyet de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011finin ba\u015flat\u0131lmas\u0131 \u015fart.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Mehmet Satuk Bu\u011fra KAVUNCU \/ \u0130Y\u0130 Parti S\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki b\u00fct\u00fcn sorunlar\u0131n temeline anayasa meselesini yerle\u015ftirmek ve anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi sayesinde b\u00fct\u00fcn sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek T\u00fcrk siyasetinin ezber kal\u0131plar\u0131ndan biri haline geldi. 1808\u2019de imzalanan Sened-i \u0130ttifak ile ba\u015flatabilece\u011fimiz anayasal s\u00fcre\u00e7ler, Tanzimat Ferman\u0131\u2019ndan Islahat Ferman\u0131\u2019na, 1876\u2019da ilan edilen Kanun-i Esasi\u2019den Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n da\u011f\u0131lma s\u00fcrecine kadar Cumhuriyet \u00f6ncesinde de farkl\u0131 denemelerin […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":29,"featured_media":197,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[32,33],"issue":[3],"class_list":["post-155","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-202604_1","tag-iyi-parti","tag-mehmet-satuk-bugra-kavuncu","issue-nisan-2026"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/155","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/29"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=155"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/155\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":256,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/155\/revisions\/256"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/197"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=155"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=155"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=155"},{"taxonomy":"issue","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fissue&post=155"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}