{"id":147,"date":"2026-04-01T06:00:36","date_gmt":"2026-04-01T03:00:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/?p=147"},"modified":"2026-04-01T01:20:25","modified_gmt":"2026-03-31T22:20:25","slug":"turkiyede-yeni-anayasa-arayislarina-iliskin-bir-degerlendirme","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/?p=147","title":{"rendered":"T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Yeni Anayasa Aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131na \u0130li\u015fkin Bir De\u011ferlendirme"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Giri\u015f<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye, bitmek t\u00fckenmek bilmeyen anayasa aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131ndan birine daha tan\u0131kl\u0131k ediyor. Yakla\u015f\u0131k y\u00fcz elli y\u0131ll\u0131k anayasalar tarihine g\u00f6z at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, her yeni anayasa yap\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ya y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckteki anayasay\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirme ya da yeni bir anayasa yapma aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na girildi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Osmanl\u0131-T\u00fcrkiye anayasalar tarihinin son halkas\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan 1982 Anayasas\u0131 da y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe girdi\u011fi g\u00fcnden itibaren tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaya, ele\u015ftirilmeye, de\u011fi\u015ftirilmeye ve yenilenmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7erisinde y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe girmi\u015f olan on dokuz de\u011fi\u015fiklik ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi. \u0130ki kez de yeni anayasa yapma giri\u015fiminde bulunuldu. Bunlardan ilki 2007 y\u0131l\u0131nda, di\u011feri ise 2011-2013 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda ya\u015fand\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2017 tarihli kapsaml\u0131 son de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi s\u00fcrecinde revizyonun mimar\u0131 olan AK Partili yetkililer bunun bir son oldu\u011funu ve art\u0131k Anayasa\u2019da bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik yap\u0131lmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade etmelerine kar\u015f\u0131n yeni anayasa aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 durmad\u0131. Yakla\u015f\u0131k son iki y\u0131ld\u0131r mevcut iktidar cephesi eliyle start\u0131 verilen \u201cyeni anayasa\u201d talebinin – kamuoyunun ilgisizli\u011fine ra\u011fmen- her vesilede dillendirildi\u011fi ve tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaya a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 biliniyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anayasa mevzusunun neredeyse kesintisiz bir \u015fekilde T\u00fcrkiye g\u00fcndeminde yer i\u015fgal etmesi, toplum ve siyaset bak\u0131m\u0131ndan sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 olmayan bir duruma i\u015faret eder. Yeni anayasan\u0131n tekrardan g\u00fcndemde oldu\u011fu bug\u00fcnlerde, anayasa eksenli ya\u015fanan tart\u0131\u015fma ve aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n daha sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir zeminde y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclebilmesi i\u00e7in \u00f6ncelikle anayasa kavram\u0131na y\u00f6nelik patolojik bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu patolojik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, ilk Osmanl\u0131 Anayasas\u0131ndan bug\u00fcne kadarki b\u00fct\u00fcn anayasa s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde g\u00f6rmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7erisinde y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe giren anayasalardan (1987, 1921, 1924, 1961, 1982 Anayasas\u0131) her biri, -toplumun o anki sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 bir \u00e7\u0131rp\u0131da \u00e7\u00f6zece\u011fi inanc\u0131yla- b\u00fcy\u00fck umutlarla yap\u0131l\u0131p y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe girdikten k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre sonra sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmedi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, bu kez sorunlar\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcp \u015fiddetli ele\u015ftirilere, de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi ya da yenilenmesi aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131na maruz b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131. Bu d\u00f6ng\u00fc bug\u00fcne kadar kesintisiz bir bi\u00e7imde devam ede geldi. Anayasalar\u0131 her derde deva sihirli re\u00e7eteler olarak g\u00f6rmek de, onlar\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fcklerin m\u00fcsebbibi olarak de\u011ferlendirmek de yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu iki patolojik yakla\u015f\u0131mdan ilki muhalefet g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmede, ikincisi ise iktidardaki g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin kendi sorumluluklar\u0131n\u0131 \u00fczerlerinden atma ve konumlar\u0131n\u0131 koruma amac\u0131yla kulland\u0131klar\u0131 manip\u00fclatif s\u00f6ylemlerdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anayasa kavram\u0131na y\u00f6nelik s\u00f6z konusu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 terk edilmeden ve anayasa kavram\u0131n\u0131n, anayasa yapman\u0131n ve anayasac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ne anlamlara geldi\u011fi ortaya konulmadan yap\u0131lacak anayasa tart\u0131\u015fma ve aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 ile bunlara y\u00f6nelik de\u011ferlendirmeler eksik ve yanl\u0131\u015f olacakt\u0131r. Bu nedenle,  \u00e7ok k\u0131sa da olsa bu kavramlara de\u011finmekte yarar vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anayasa ve Anayasac\u0131l\u0131k: Teorik ve Normatif \u00c7er\u00e7eve<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Anayasalar, siyasetin normatif \u00e7er\u00e7evesini \u00e7izen siyasi-hukuki metinlerdir. Devletin temel yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ve i\u015fleyi\u015fini belirleyerek, devlet i\u00e7indeki iktidar haritas\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izerek ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler rejimini d\u00fczenleyerek siyasal ya\u015fam\u0131n ana kodlar\u0131n\u0131 tayin ederler. Devletin temel siyasi yap\u0131s\u0131na ve de\u011ferlerine ili\u015fkin bu kodlar, ayn\u0131 zamanda, do\u011frudan ya da dolayl\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde sosyal, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve ekonomik hayat\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015finin temel referanslar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015ftururlar. Bu \u00f6zelli\u011fi dolay\u0131s\u0131yla toplum hayat\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yan anayasalar, hukuk normlar\u0131 hiyerar\u015fisinin tepesinde yer al\u0131rlar ve \u201ctemel norm\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131l\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anayasac\u0131l\u0131k teorisi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan anayasalar; devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlayan, onun keyfili\u011fe ka\u00e7mas\u0131n\u0131 engelleyen ve bu ama\u00e7la denge ve denetim mekanizmalar\u0131na yer veren, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na alan, toplumun ve onun t\u00fcrevi olan siyasetin \u00e7o\u011fulcu yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131yan hukuki belgelerdir. \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc ve \u00e7o\u011fulcu niteli\u011fe sahip anayasac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bu tan\u0131mlay\u0131c\u0131 unsurlar\u0131n\u0131n var oldu\u011fu ve anayasal prati\u011fin de buna g\u00f6re i\u015fledi\u011fi anayasalar \u201cg\u00fcvenceci\/garantist anayasalar\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131l\u0131rlar. Anayasac\u0131l\u0131k a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011ferli olan anayasalar bu t\u00fcr anayasalard\u0131r. Anayasalar\u0131n de\u011feri bu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fctler \u00fczerinden de\u011ferlendirilir. S\u00f6z konusu \u00f6zellikleri\/\u00f6l\u00e7\u00fctleri ta\u015f\u0131mayan anayasalar ise, de facto iktidarlara de jure me\u015fruiyet sa\u011flamak amac\u0131yla yap\u0131lan \u201cs\u00f6zde anayasalar\u201d olarak de\u011ferlendirilirler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00fcvenceci anayasalar g\u00fc\u00e7lerini ve itibarlar\u0131n\u0131 yaln\u0131zca s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 iktidar\u0131, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri ve \u00e7o\u011fulculu\u011fu kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131ndan de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda geni\u015f tabanl\u0131 bir toplumsal r\u0131zaya dayal\u0131 olmaktan al\u0131rlar. G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir demokratik me\u015fruiyetle ta\u00e7land\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f g\u00fcvenceci anayasalar\u0131n yenilenmeleri istenir bir durum de\u011fildir. Sebebi ise, bu t\u00fcr anayasalar taraf\u0131ndan g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nan temel siyasi de\u011ferler ile kurumsal yap\u0131n\u0131n korunma arzusudur. Ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc bir geli\u015fme ya\u015fanmad\u0131k\u00e7a, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc ve \u00e7o\u011fulcu niteli\u011fe sahip g\u00fcvenceci anayasalar\u0131n uzun y\u0131llara sari bir bi\u00e7imde y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckte kalmas\u0131 murat edilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi konusunda ise g\u00fcvenceci anayasalar, -benzer kayg\u0131lar nedeniyle- nitelikli olmayan \u00e7o\u011funluklarla s\u0131k s\u0131k ve kolayca de\u011fi\u015ftirilmelerini engelleyen \u00e7e\u015fitli koruyucu h\u00fck\u00fcmler i\u00e7erirler. Anayasalar\u0131n de\u011fi\u015ftirilmelerini g\u00fc\u00e7le\u015ftiren bu kat\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmlerle, her iktidar de\u011fi\u015fiminde basit \u00e7o\u011funluklarla anayasalar\u0131n g\u00fcvenceci yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n korunmas\u0131 ama\u00e7lan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc ve \u00e7o\u011fulcu demokratik toplum de\u011ferlerinden uzak olan ve\/veya bu de\u011ferlere yeterince yer vermeyen anayasalarda da anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikliklerini zorla\u015ft\u0131ran h\u00fck\u00fcmlerin yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilinmektedir. Bu t\u00fcr anayasalarda kat\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n y\u00f6neldi\u011fi hedef stat\u00fckoyu korumakt\u0131r. Toplumsal ve siyasal de\u011fi\u015fim taleplerini olabildi\u011fince bast\u0131rmak ve\/veya geciktirmektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anayasay\u0131 Yenilemek Ya Da De\u011fi\u015ftirmek<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Anayasalar\u0131n i\u00e7erikleri ve korudu\u011fu de\u011ferler ne olursa olsun, de\u011fi\u015fimin \u00f6n\u00fcne konulan engeller, toplumlar\u0131n devingen ve dinamik yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n tetikledikleri de\u011fi\u015fim talepleri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u00e7ok fazla direnemezler. Hi\u00e7bir anayasa dipten gelen g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fim iradesinin \u00f6n\u00fcnde set olu\u015fturamaz. Zaman\u0131 geldi\u011finde ve zemin olu\u015ftu\u011funda de\u011fi\u015fim ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olur. Anayasalar, ezeli ve ebedi hakikati dile getiren kutsal metinler de\u011fildirler. Her hukuki metin gibi, eksiklikleri ve zaaflar\u0131 olan \u00f6l\u00fcml\u00fc metinlerdir. Nitekim d\u00fcnya anayasalar tarihi, de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fe u\u011fram\u0131\u015f ve yenilenmi\u015f say\u0131s\u0131z anayasan\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na tan\u0131kl\u0131k etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

De\u011fi\u015fim k\u0131smi de\u011fi\u015fiklikler \u015feklinde olabilece\u011fi gibi, topyekun yenilenme do\u011frultusunda da olabilir. Genel olarak anayasalarda de\u011fi\u015fiklik yap\u0131lmas\u0131, y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckteki anayasan\u0131n belirledi\u011fi esaslar \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde (ola\u011fan kanunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131ndan daha g\u00fc\u00e7 ko\u015fullara ba\u011flanarak) ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir ve yeni bir anayasa yap\u0131lmas\u0131na g\u00f6re \u00e7ok daha kolayd\u0131r.  Yeni bir anayasa yap\u0131lmas\u0131 ise ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc ko\u015fullar\u0131n ya da geli\u015fmelerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131yla, eskiden kopma ve yeni bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 yapma ihtiya\u00e7 ve iradesinin belirmesiyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir. D\u00fcnya anayasalar tarihine bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda genellikle ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sava\u015f\u0131, i\u00e7 sava\u015f, ihtilal ve darbe gibi ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc d\u00f6nemlerde anayasalar\u0131n yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Bu veri, ola\u011fan d\u00f6nemlerde yeni bir anayasa yap\u0131lamayaca\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmemektedir. Nadiren de olsa ola\u011fan d\u00f6nemlerle de yeni anayasalar\u0131n yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilinmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ola\u011fan d\u00f6nemlerde, y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckteki anayasan\u0131n, devletin temel organlar\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fum ve i\u015fleyi\u015fine ili\u015fkin kurgusuna ve\/veya temel siyasi de\u011ferlerine ili\u015fkin ciddi rahats\u0131zl\u0131klar ve itirazlar ya\u015fanabilmektedir. Eski anayasal tasar\u0131ma y\u00f6nelik duyulan tepkinin \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir toplumsal talebe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi, bu talebin dillendirilip tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 ve b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n neticesinde y\u00fcksek bir mutabakata var\u0131lmas\u0131 halinde yeni bir anayasa yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde hi\u00e7bir engel yoktur. Pek\u00e2l\u00e2 ola\u011fan yasama meclisleri ihtiya\u00e7 ve talep s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda eskiyi bir tarafa b\u0131rak\u0131p yeni bir anayasa yapabilirler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc hallerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yeni bir anayasa yap\u0131m\u0131nda kritik \u00f6nemi haiz olan husus, \u201cyeni bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7\u201d yapma irade ve iste\u011fidir. \u015eayet toplumun genelinde b\u00f6yle bir irade ve istek yoksa, y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckteki anayasada de\u011fi\u015fiklikler yap\u0131lmas\u0131 daha do\u011fru yol olacakt\u0131r. Teorik olarak, toplumun birlikte ya\u015fama y\u00f6nelik politik iradesinin hukuki form\u00fclasyonu olan anayasalar; ortak ya\u015fam arzusunun politik kodlar\u0131nda k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir erozyon ya\u015fanmad\u0131k\u00e7a ve\/veya bu kodlar yetersiz hale gelmedik\u00e7e yenilenmezler. Yenilenme, ancak eskiden radikal bir kopu\u015f ve yeniye dair yayg\u0131n ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir istencin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 halinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130ster anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi, isterse yeni bir anayasa yapma olsun, as\u0131l \u00f6nemli olan ve \u00fczerinde durulmas\u0131 gereken husus, de\u011fi\u015fikliklerin ya da yenilenmenin y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fcn ne oldu\u011fudur; yani, anayasac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ama\u00e7lar\u0131yla ba\u011fda\u015f\u0131p ba\u011fda\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011finin ya da yeni anayasan\u0131n hedefi; hukukun \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne dayal\u0131, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc ve \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir demokratik toplumun ve siyasetin in\u015fas\u0131 ya da tahkimi istikametinde ise, bu de\u011fi\u015fim \u00f6nemli ve de\u011ferli oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in desteklenmelidir. Ancak anayasac\u0131l\u0131k bak\u0131m\u0131ndan anayasan\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011fine y\u00f6nelik pozitif ad\u0131m gerekli olmakla birlikte yeterli de\u011fildir. Yeter ko\u015fulu, uygulaman\u0131n da de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fe u\u011fram\u0131\u015f ya da yenilenmi\u015f anayasan\u0131n kurgusuna paralel i\u015flemesidir. Aksi takdirde bu t\u00fcr bir de\u011fi\u015fim ya da yenilenme, ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi \u00f6rten ve kamufle eden bir g\u00f6z boyamadan \u00f6teye ge\u00e7mez. Literat\u00fcrde bu \u00e7e\u015fit anayasalar \u201ckamuflaj anayasalar\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Yeni Bir Anayasa Yap\u0131labilir <\/strong>m<\/strong>i?<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\u0130ktidara mensup yetkili isimlerin a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131na bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckteki Anayasa\u2019da de\u011fi\u015fiklik yap\u0131lmas\u0131 de\u011fil, yeni bir anayasa yap\u0131lmas\u0131na ili\u015fkin bir iradenin ve \u00e7aban\u0131n oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcnlerde \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck d\u00fczeyde seyreden anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n, \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki y\u0131l se\u00e7im sath\u0131 mailine girilmesiyle birlikte \u015fiddetlenece\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ko\u015fullar \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki yeni anayasa aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde de\u011ferlendirmek i\u00e7in iki temel soruya cevap aramak gerekir. Bunlardan birincisi, iktidar cenah\u0131n\u0131n yeni anayasa aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekten toplumun geni\u015f kesimlerinin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir talebinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130kincisi ise, yeni anayasan\u0131n hangi saikle yap\u0131lmak istendi\u011fi ile yeni bir anayasa i\u00e7in yeni bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 yapma iradesinin olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorusudur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Birinci soruya cevap ararken ilk olarak toplumun \u00e7e\u015fitli konulara ili\u015fkin nabz\u0131n\u0131 tutan, g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ve beklentilerini \u00f6l\u00e7en ara\u015ft\u0131rmalara bakmak yararl\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. Anket \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n verileri her zaman i\u00e7in ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi ifade etmede yeterli olmasa da, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131-yukar\u0131 bir fikir vermesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00f6nemlidir. Son y\u0131llarda yap\u0131lan anket \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na g\u00f6z at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, yeni anayasa talebinin toplumun geni\u015f kesimlerinin g\u00fcndeminde olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. \u00d6yle ki, ara\u015ft\u0131rma verilerinden, iktidar\u0131 destekleyen toplumsal kesimlerde dahi ciddi bir ilginin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6te yandan, yeni anayasa talebine y\u00f6nelik kamuoyunu olu\u015fturacak medyada da genel bir suskunlu\u011fun\/ilgisizli\u011fin h\u00e2kim oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Muhalefetin yan\u0131nda konumlanan medya organlar\u0131 bir tarafa, iktidara muzahir g\u00f6rsel ve yaz\u0131l\u0131 bas\u0131nda dahi yeni anayasa konusuna \u00e7ok fazla ilgi g\u00f6sterilmedi\u011fi g\u00f6zlemleniyor. Kald\u0131 ki, geni\u015f halk kesimlerinin hayat pahal\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, i\u015fsizlik ve yoksulluk gibi ekonomik krizin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla bo\u011fu\u015furken, bu t\u00fcr yay\u0131nlara pek itibar etmeyece\u011fi de a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayr\u0131ca, yeni anayasa talebinin ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 konumundaki iktidar cenah\u0131na bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda; Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131, Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131, TBMM Ba\u015fkan\u0131, Adalet Bakan\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 say\u0131da AK Parti Genel Ba\u015fkan Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 ve MHP Genel Ba\u015fkan\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda \u00e7ok ciddi bir \u00e7aban\u0131n sergilenmedi\u011fi de s\u00f6ylenebilir. Bu tespite cevaben iktidar kanad\u0131, hen\u00fcz zaman\u0131 gelmedi\u011fi i\u00e7in bir seferberlik i\u00e7erisine girilmedi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclebilir. Anayasa yap\u0131m s\u00fcrecine girildi\u011finde bu spek\u00fclatif de\u011ferlendirmelerin do\u011fru olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Buna ilave olarak, yeni anayasa konusu Meclis g\u00fcndemine geldi\u011finde ve sahalara inildi\u011finde Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n ve MHP lideri Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin ikna ve motive etme becerileri sayesinde kendi tabanlar\u0131n\u0131 konsolide edebileceklerini not etmek gerekir. Ancak Cumhur \u0130ttifak\u0131 se\u00e7men kitlesinde olu\u015fturulacak yeni anayasa talebi, geni\u015f tabanl\u0131 uzla\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7in yeterli olmayacakt\u0131r. Bunun i\u00e7in muhalefetin de s\u00fcrece kat\u0131lamaya ikna edilmesi ve onlar\u0131n da desteklerinin al\u0131nmas\u0131 gereklidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130ktidarla DEM Parti aras\u0131nda K\u00fcrt meselesi eksenli geli\u015fen ili\u015fkinin m\u00fczakere a\u015famas\u0131nda yap\u0131lacak pazarl\u0131klar do\u011frultusunda DEM Parti\u2019nin yeni anayasa yap\u0131m\u0131na y\u00f6nelik deste\u011fi sa\u011flanabilir.  Ancak hemen ifade etmek gerekir ki, ba\u015fta ana muhalefet partisi CHP olmak \u00fczere belli ba\u015fl\u0131 di\u011fer muhalefet partileri s\u00fcrece dahil edilmeden -tek ba\u015f\u0131na DEM Parti deste\u011finin- taze bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 i\u00e7in yeni bir s\u00f6zle\u015fme yapmada eksik kalaca\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Muhalefet partilerin ikna edilerek yeni anayasa yap\u0131m s\u00fcrecine dahil edilmeleri -en az\u0131ndan \u015fimdilik- pek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fcyor. Zira, yeni bir toplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fme yapman\u0131n iklim ko\u015fullar\u0131 yarat\u0131lmadan; yani, toplumsal ve siyasal alandaki kutupla\u015fma ve gerginlik giderilmeden, g\u00fcven artt\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 ad\u0131mlar at\u0131lmadan, yol temizli\u011fi yap\u0131lmadan muhalefet partilerini ayn\u0131 masa etraf\u0131nda bulu\u015fturman\u0131n \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu\u011fu anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Her ne kadar iktidar kanad\u0131 sivil ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc bir yeni anayasa taahh\u00fcd\u00fcn\u00fc dillendirse de, \u00f6zellikle son on y\u0131ldaki icraatlar\u0131 nedeniyle, mevcut iktidar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc ve \u00e7o\u011fulcu niteli\u011fe sahip bir anayasa yapaca\u011f\u0131 konusunda muhalefet ikna olmu\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ba\u015fta ifade ve bas\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olmak \u00fczere, temel hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin h\u0131rpaland\u0131\u011f\u0131, toplumsal ve siyasal muhalefetinin nefes borusunun daralt\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, muhalefetinin yarg\u0131 \u00fczerinden terbiye edilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, yarg\u0131n\u0131n \u2013\u00f6zellikle siyasi davalar bak\u0131m\u0131ndan-y\u00fcr\u00fctmenin bir aparat\u0131 haline getirildi\u011fi, yarg\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile tarafs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilkelerinin zedelendi\u011fi, AYM ve A\u0130HM kararlar\u0131na yarg\u0131 mercilerince uyulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, belediyelere ve \u015firketlere kayyumlar\u0131n atand\u0131\u011f\u0131, ana muhalefet partisinin kurumsal yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6kertilmeye \u00e7abaland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n rutinle\u015ftirilerek g\u00fcndelik hayat\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 haline getirildi\u011fi bir siyasi atmosferde, anayasac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ama\u00e7lar\u0131yla \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fen bir yeni anayasa yapma \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulmas\u0131 pek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci soruya cevaben; yeni anayasa aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n itici sebebi\/gerek\u00e7esi konusunda iktidar cenah\u0131ndan tatmin edici ve inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131n yap\u0131lmamas\u0131 da muhalefetin s\u00f6z konusu talebe so\u011fuk bakmas\u0131nda ve toplumda bir heyecan olu\u015fturmamas\u0131nda etkili oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. \u0130ktidar\u0131n yetkili a\u011f\u0131zlar\u0131ndan yap\u0131lan a\u00e7\u0131klamalarda; darbeciler eliyle yap\u0131lan anayasa ile y\u00f6netilme utanc\u0131na son vermek, siviller eliyle yap\u0131lan bir anayasaya sahip olmak, 1982 Anayasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n darbeci ve vesayet\u00e7i ruhunu kal\u0131c\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde ortadan kald\u0131rmak, ba\u015f\u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc anayasal g\u00fcvenceye kavu\u015fturmak, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc ve ku\u015fat\u0131c\u0131 bir anayasa yapmak gibi gerek\u00e7elerin ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130ktidar cephesinin ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gerek\u00e7elerden sonuncusu -bug\u00fcne kadar ki icraatlar\u0131 nedeniyle- en iyimser yakla\u015f\u0131mla ihtiyatla kar\u015f\u0131lanacakt\u0131r. 1982 Anayasas\u0131\u2019nda yap\u0131lan de\u011fi\u015fikliklerle, Anayasan\u0131n ilk halinde mevcut olan askeri otoritenin ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 anayasal konumu ve sivil otorite \u00fczerindeki vesayeti ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olundu. Ba\u015f\u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fc konusu ise, \u00e7ok geni\u015f bir siyasi uzla\u015f\u0131 temelinde uzunca bir s\u00fcredir sorun olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bulunuyor. Geriye sadece darbeci askerlerin yapt\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Anayasan\u0131n h\u00e2l\u00e2 y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckte olma ay\u0131b\u0131 kal\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu sonuncu gerek\u00e7e, tek ba\u015f\u0131na yeni bir anayasa yapmak i\u00e7in yeterli olabilir. Zira, Osmanl\u0131-T\u00fcrkiye anayasa tarihinde T\u00fcrkiye toplumunun kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcr irade ve inisiyatifiyle kendisine ait bir anayasa yapamam\u0131\u015f olma ay\u0131b\u0131 ortada duruyor. Bu ay\u0131ba bir son verebilmek i\u00e7in de olsa yeni bir anayasa yapman\u0131n do\u011fru olaca\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Ancak bunun da, her kesimi kapsayan ve kucaklayan bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla ve kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131 bir y\u00f6ntemle yapmak gerekir. Bunun i\u00e7in de yeni bir sayfa a\u00e7mak, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131, \u00f6tekile\u015ftirici, kutupla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 ve bask\u0131c\u0131 siyasetin bir tarafa b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131, toplumsal ve siyasal gerginli\u011fin giderilmesi, g\u00fcven verici ad\u0131mlar\u0131n at\u0131lmas\u0131; k\u0131saca sosyo-politik iklimin geni\u015f uzla\u015f\u0131 temelinde yeni bir anayasa yap\u0131m\u0131na uygun hale getirilmesi gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonu\u00e7 Yerine Bir Tespit ve \u00d6neri<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye toplumunun \u00e7ok uzunca bir s\u00fcredir b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f ve kutupla\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir toplum yap\u0131s\u0131na sahip oldu\u011fu, yap\u0131lan ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n ortaya koydu\u011fu bir ger\u00e7ektir. Toplumsal d\u00fczeydeki b\u00f6l\u00fcnme ve kutupla\u015fman\u0131n siyasal d\u00fczlemde \u00e7ok daha a\u011f\u0131r bir g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcme sahip oldu\u011fu da biliniyor. \u00d6zellikle son y\u0131llarda mevcut iktidar\u0131n\u0131n kendi taban\u0131n\u0131 konsolide etme ad\u0131na kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 dil ve izledi\u011fi siyasetin bu tabloyu daha da a\u011f\u0131rla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. B\u00f6yle bir manzara kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda geni\u015f tabanl\u0131 uzla\u015f\u0131 temelinde yeni bir s\u00f6zle\u015fme yapabilmek ger\u00e7ekten \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00fc\u00e7 olan bu i\u015fi ba\u015farabilmenin ve Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n dillendirdi\u011fi \u201cku\u015fat\u0131c\u0131 ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc\u201d bir anayasa talebinin hayata ge\u00e7irebilmesinin ilk gere\u011fi, toplumdaki ve siyasetteki gerginli\u011fi, kampla\u015fma ve kutupla\u015fmay\u0131 gidermeye y\u00f6nelik s\u00f6ylem ve eylem de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fine gitmektir. Bu ama\u00e7la, genel olarak muhalefetin, \u00f6zel olarak ise bug\u00fcne kadar yap\u0131lan anayasalarda kapsam d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131lan, s\u00f6zle\u015fmeye dahil edilmeyen toplumsal kesimlerin kayg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 ve korkular\u0131n\u0131 gidermeye y\u00f6nelik somut ad\u0131mlar at\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. Ba\u015fta K\u00fcrtler ve Aleviler olmak \u00fczere b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6tekile\u015ftirilen gruplar\u0131n talep ve beklentilerine kulak verilmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Madem ki yeni bir anayasa yap\u0131lmak isteniyor, \u00f6yleyse bu yeni anayasaya bir hik\u00e2ye yazmak gerecektir. Ortada ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc bir durum olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, yeni anayasa yapman\u0131n tek bir gerek\u00e7esi olabilir; o da yeni bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 yapmakt\u0131r. Yeni ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 ise; eski ezberleri tekrarlayarak, kadim korkulara ve tabulara sar\u0131larak yap\u0131lamaz. Aksi takdirde, olu\u015fturulacak s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ittifaklarla yap\u0131lacak bir anayasa yeni olma \u00f6zelli\u011fini ta\u015f\u0131mayaca\u011f\u0131 gibi, b\u00f6yle bir anayasan\u0131n ku\u015fat\u0131c\u0131 bir toplum s\u00f6zle\u015fmesi oldu\u011fundan da s\u00f6z edilemez.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Giri\u015f T\u00fcrkiye, bitmek t\u00fckenmek bilmeyen anayasa aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131ndan birine daha tan\u0131kl\u0131k ediyor. Yakla\u015f\u0131k y\u00fcz elli y\u0131ll\u0131k anayasalar tarihine g\u00f6z at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, her yeni anayasa yap\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ya y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckteki anayasay\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirme ya da yeni bir anayasa yapma aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na girildi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Osmanl\u0131-T\u00fcrkiye anayasalar tarihinin son halkas\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan 1982 Anayasas\u0131 da y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe girdi\u011fi g\u00fcnden itibaren tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaya, ele\u015ftirilmeye, de\u011fi\u015ftirilmeye ve yenilenmeye […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":15,"featured_media":205,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[27],"issue":[3],"class_list":["post-147","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-202604_1","tag-fazil-husnu-erdem","issue-nisan-2026"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/147","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/15"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=147"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/147\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":236,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/147\/revisions\/236"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/205"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=147"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=147"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=147"},{"taxonomy":"issue","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fissue&post=147"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}