{"id":127,"date":"2026-04-01T06:00:12","date_gmt":"2026-04-01T03:00:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/?p=127"},"modified":"2026-04-01T11:02:40","modified_gmt":"2026-04-01T08:02:40","slug":"hur-dava-partisi-huda-par-turkiye-icin-tarihsel-bir-esik-yeni-sivil-ve-adil-bir-anayasa","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/?p=127","title":{"rendered":"T\u00fcrkiye \u0130\u00e7in Tarihsel Bir E\u015fik: Yeni, Sivil Ve Adil Bir Anayasa"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"has-small-font-size\"><strong>Av. Mahmut \u015eAH\u0130N<\/strong> \/ H\u00dcDA PAR Genel Ba\u015fkan Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131, \u0130nsan Haklar\u0131 ve Hukuk \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkan\u0131<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" style=\"font-size:18px\">Toplumsal Mutabakat\u0131n Hukuki ve Ahlaki Zemini<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>Anayasa, normlar hiyerar\u015fisinin en \u00fcst\u00fcnde yer alan teknik bir hukuk metninden ibaret de\u011fildir. O, siyasal iktidar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen, egemenli\u011fin kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mlayan ve bir toplumun hangi de\u011ferler etraf\u0131nda birlikte ya\u015fayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koyan kurucu iradedir. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle anayasa; hukuk ile siyaset aras\u0131nda bir e\u015fik, g\u00fc\u00e7 ile adalet aras\u0131nda bir denge, ge\u00e7mi\u015f ile gelecek aras\u0131nda bir k\u00f6pr\u00fc niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Her anayasa, yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemin zihniyetini ta\u015f\u0131r. Bir toplumun korkular\u0131, \u00f6ncelikleri, g\u00fc\u00e7 tasavvuru ve insan anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 anayasal metne yans\u0131r. Bu nedenle anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 maddelerin teknik i\u00e7eri\u011finden ibaret de\u011fildir; o tart\u0131\u015fma, devlet ile millet aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin mahiyetine dair kurucu bir sorgulamad\u0131r. Devlet mi merkezdedir, insan m\u0131? G\u00fc\u00e7 m\u00fc esast\u0131r, adalet mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bir anayasan\u0131n me\u015fruiyeti yaln\u0131zca y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckte olmas\u0131ndan kaynaklanmaz. Me\u015fruiyet, dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal r\u0131zadan ve adalet ilkesiyle kurdu\u011fu ba\u011fdan do\u011far. Hukuken ge\u00e7erli bir metin, e\u011fer geni\u015f toplumsal kesimlerde \u201cbu benim s\u00f6zle\u015fmemdir\u201d duygusunu \u00fcretmiyorsa, s\u00fcrekli tart\u0131\u015fma konusu olmaya devam eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckte bulunan 1982 Anayasas\u0131, haz\u0131rlanma s\u00fcreci itibar\u0131yla bu tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n merkezindedir. 12 Eyl\u00fcl Darbesi sonras\u0131nda ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc \u015fartlar alt\u0131nda kaleme al\u0131nan bu metin, serbest bir toplumsal m\u00fczakerenin de\u011fil; g\u00fcvenlik eksenli ve vesayet\u00e7i bir devlet tasavvurunun \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. Devleti merkeze alan, bireyi s\u0131n\u0131rlama refleksiyle tan\u0131mlayan ve kamu otoritesini tahkim etmeyi \u00f6nceleyen yakla\u015f\u0131m, metnin kurucu ruhuna i\u015flemi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Y\u0131llar i\u00e7inde yap\u0131lan de\u011fi\u015fiklikler baz\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmleri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f olsa da anayasan\u0131n temel paradigmas\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde korunmu\u015ftur. Devlet\u2013birey ili\u015fkisi h\u00e2l\u00e2 g\u00fcvenlik merkezli bir perspektifin g\u00f6lgesindedir. Hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler \u00e7o\u011fu zaman kamu d\u00fczeni ve devletin bekas\u0131 kavramlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden daralt\u0131labilmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu nedenle mesele art\u0131k teknik bir revizyon de\u011fildir. Mesele, normatif bir y\u00f6n de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fidir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ihtiyac\u0131 yaln\u0131zca yeni bir metin de\u011fil; insan\u0131 merkeze alan yeni bir anayasal bilin\u00e7tir. Bu bilin\u00e7, devleti ama\u00e7 de\u011fil ara\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6ren bir anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 gerektirir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Anayasa meselesi maddelerin toplam\u0131 de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bir zihniyet tercihidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Devleti kutsayan anlay\u0131\u015f ile insan\u0131 esas alan anlay\u0131\u015f aras\u0131ndaki tercihtir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye bug\u00fcn bu tercihin e\u015fi\u011findedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" style=\"font-size:18px\">Devletin \u00dcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc m\u00fc, Hukukun \u00dcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc m\u00fc?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>Anayasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin \u00f6z\u00fc, g\u00fcc\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Siyasal g\u00fc\u00e7 do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi geni\u015flemeye meyillidir; hukuk ise bu geni\u015flemeyi s\u0131n\u0131rlayan \u00e7er\u00e7eveyi olu\u015fturur. Hukukla ku\u015fat\u0131lmayan g\u00fc\u00e7 keyf\u00eeli\u011fe; keyf\u00eelik ise adaletsizli\u011fe ve toplumsal g\u00fcvensizli\u011fe yol a\u00e7ar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de anayasal d\u00fczen uzun s\u00fcre devleti merkeze alan bir perspektifle \u015fekillenmi\u015ftir. Devlet haklar\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131 gibi konumland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f; birey kamu d\u00fczeninin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n sonucu a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r: Hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler istisna, s\u0131n\u0131rlamalar kural haline gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Oysa anayasa devleti tahkim eden de\u011fil; devleti hukukla ku\u015fatan bir metin niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131r. Devletin varl\u0131k sebebi insan\u0131n hak ve h\u00fcrriyetlerini g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almakt\u0131r. \u0130nsan devlete tabi bir unsur de\u011fil; anayasal d\u00fczenin \u00f6znesidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Partimiz H\u00dcDA PAR\u2019\u0131n anayasa tasavvurunun merkezinde insan, insanl\u0131k haysiyeti ve adalet yer al\u0131r. \u0130nsan olarak yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmak, haklar\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Haklar devletin l\u00fctfu de\u011fil; insan\u0131n s\u0131rf insan olmas\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sahip oldu\u011fu de\u011ferin hukuki ifadesidir. Devletin rol\u00fc bu haklar\u0131 tan\u0131mak ve korumakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Yeni anayasa, g\u00fc\u00e7 yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nleyen kurumsal denge mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde ortaya koyan bir mimari sunmal\u0131d\u0131r. Yasama organ\u0131 ger\u00e7ek temsil fonksiyonunu icra edebilmeli; y\u00fcr\u00fctme etkin denetime a\u00e7\u0131k olmal\u0131; yarg\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaln\u0131zca s\u00f6ylem d\u00fczeyinde de\u011fil kurumsal g\u00fcvence d\u00fczeyinde in\u015fa edilmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Devlet insan i\u00e7in vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u0130nsan devlet i\u00e7in de\u011fil.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu ilke, anayasal d\u00fczenin temel referans\u0131 haline gelmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" style=\"font-size:18px\">Kurucu \u0130rade, K\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 \u00c7izgiler ve De\u011fi\u015ftirilemezlik Meselesi<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>Anayasa yap\u0131m s\u00fcrecinde en b\u00fcy\u00fck handikaplardan biri, siyasal akt\u00f6rlerin \u201ck\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 \u00e7izgileri\u201d masan\u0131n \u00fczerine koyarak m\u00fczakere zeminini daraltmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Oysa anayasa, \u00f6n \u015fartlar\u0131n de\u011fil; ortak akl\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. K\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 \u00e7izgilerin m\u00fczakere alan\u0131n\u0131 kapatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir yerde toplumsal mutabakat in\u015fa edilemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Genel Ba\u015fkan\u0131m\u0131z Say\u0131n Zekeriya Yap\u0131c\u0131o\u011flu\u2019nun ifade etti\u011fi gibi, herkesin \u00f6ncelikleri, talepleri ve form\u00fclleri farkl\u0131 olabilir; ancak anayasa, hi\u00e7bir taraf\u0131n y\u00fczde y\u00fcz iradesini yans\u0131tan bir metin de\u011fil, ortak paydada bulu\u015fulan bir kurucu s\u00f6zle\u015fmedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu ba\u011flamda tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken mesele, belirli maddelerin i\u00e7eri\u011finden \u00f6nce, \u201cde\u011fi\u015ftirilemezlik\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n kendisidir. Anayasa yapan bir ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n, gelecek nesillerin iradesini mutlak bi\u00e7imde ba\u011flamas\u0131, kurucu iktidar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. \u201cAsla de\u011fi\u015ftirilemez\u201d h\u00fckm\u00fc, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn do\u011frular\u0131n\u0131 ebed\u00eele\u015ftirme iddias\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r. Oysa siyasal ve toplumsal hayat dinamiktir; gelecek ku\u015faklar\u0131n kendi tercihlerini belirleme hakk\u0131 anayasal g\u00fcvence alt\u0131nda olmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu tart\u0131\u015fma, herhangi bir maddenin bug\u00fcn de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 de\u011fildir. Mesele, anayasan\u0131n ruhuna yerle\u015ftirilen \u201cde\u011fi\u015ftirilemezlik\u201d yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n hakkaniyet ve me\u015fruiyetle ba\u011fda\u015f\u0131p ba\u011fda\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Kurucu irade, gelecek nesillerin iradesine ipotek koyan de\u011fil; onlara hareket alan\u0131 b\u0131rakan bir anlay\u0131\u015fla tecelli etmeli ve yeni anayasada, mevcut darbe anayasas\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi \u201cde\u011fi\u015ftirilemez\u201d maddelerinin olmamas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini ifade ediyoruz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" style=\"font-size:18px\">Vatanda\u015fl\u0131k Tan\u0131m\u0131: 66. Maddenin Yeniden Ele Al\u0131nmas\u0131<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>Anayasa yaln\u0131zca devletin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini de\u011fil; siyasal toplulu\u011fun kimli\u011fini de tan\u0131mlar. Vatanda\u015fl\u0131k maddesi bu nedenle teknik bir d\u00fczenleme de\u011fil; kurucu bir \u00e7er\u00e7evedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>1982 Anayasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n 66. maddesinde yer alan \u201cT\u00fcrk Devletine vatanda\u015fl\u0131k ba\u011f\u0131 ile ba\u011fl\u0131 olan herkes T\u00fcrkt\u00fcr.\u201d h\u00fckm\u00fc, vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 hukuki bir ba\u011f olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kararak etnik \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir \u00fcst kimlik \u00fczerinden tan\u0131mlamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Oysa vatanda\u015fl\u0131k, ortak hukuk d\u00fczenine ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k ve e\u015fit stat\u00fc anlam\u0131na gelir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin toplumsal yap\u0131s\u0131 farkl\u0131 etnik, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve dilsel aidiyetlerden olu\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Etnik referansl\u0131 bir anayasal tan\u0131m, e\u015fit aidiyet duygusunu g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmek yerine zay\u0131flatma riski ta\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Partimizin bu konudaki&nbsp; yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 nettir: Yeni anayasa vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 etnik referanslardan ar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir hukuk ba\u011f\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mlamal\u0131d\u0131r. Vatanda\u015fl\u0131k e\u015fit hak ve sorumluluk temelinde d\u00fczenlenmeli; hi\u00e7bir kimlik anayasal metin arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131l\u0131nmamal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Birlik ink\u00e2rla de\u011fil; e\u015fitlikle g\u00fc\u00e7 kazan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" style=\"font-size:18px\">Dil Haklar\u0131 ve 42. Maddenin S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>Dil, kimli\u011fin ve haf\u0131zan\u0131n ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. E\u011fitim hakk\u0131 yaln\u0131zca okula eri\u015fim de\u011fil; bireyin kendisini en iyi ifade edebildi\u011fi dilde \u00f6\u011frenim g\u00f6rebilmesini de kapsar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Anayasan\u0131n 42. maddesinde yer alan yasaklay\u0131c\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcm, dil haklar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan s\u0131n\u0131rlay\u0131c\u0131 bir yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 temsil etmektedir. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m ge\u00e7mi\u015fte \u00f6nemli toplumsal gerilimlere yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Partimiz, anadilde e\u011fitim hakk\u0131n\u0131 temel bir hak olarak g\u00f6rmektedir. Yeni anayasa dilsel \u00e7o\u011fullu\u011fu anayasal g\u00fcvenceye ba\u011flayan bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve ortaya koymal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m ayr\u0131cal\u0131k de\u011fil; e\u015fitli\u011fin gere\u011fidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" style=\"font-size:18px\">\u0130nan\u00e7 \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve Kamusal Alan<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>\u0130nan\u00e7 ve vicdan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc insan\u0131n en mahrem alan\u0131na ili\u015fkin temel bir hakt\u0131r. Bu \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck yaln\u0131zca bir dine inanma ya da inanmama serbestisini de\u011fil; inanc\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klama, ya\u015fama ve kamusal alanda g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lma hakk\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7erir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin anayasal prati\u011finde inan\u00e7 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc uzun s\u00fcre dar yorumlara tabi tutulmu\u015ftur. Kamusal alan belirli ideolojik \u00e7er\u00e7eveler \u00fczerinden tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f; inanc\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00e7o\u011fu zaman sorun alan\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendirilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Oysa kamusal alan, inan\u00e7tan ar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f steril bir alan de\u011fildir. Devletin tarafs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131, toplumun inan\u00e7 ger\u00e7ekli\u011finin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmez. Devlet, t\u00fcm bireylerin inan\u00e7lar\u0131yla birlikte e\u015fit bi\u00e7imde kamusal hayata kat\u0131labilmesini g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na alabilmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u0130nan\u00e7 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bak\u0131m\u0131ndan devletin iki boyutlu sorumlulu\u011fu vard\u0131r: m\u00fcdahale etmeme ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc fiilen g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na alma. Sadece m\u00fcdahale etmeyen fakat e\u015fitlik \u00fcretmeyen bir yap\u0131, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tam anlam\u0131yla koruyamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Yeni anayasal \u00e7er\u00e7evede inan\u00e7 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc soyut bir ilke olarak de\u011fil; uygulanabilir bir g\u00fcvence olarak konumland\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. Hi\u00e7 kimse inanc\u0131n\u0131n gere\u011fini yerine getirdi\u011fi i\u00e7in kamu hizmetlerinden d\u0131\u015flanmamal\u0131, inanc\u0131n\u0131n aksine bir davran\u0131\u015fa zorlanmamal\u0131 ve&nbsp; kamu g\u00f6revine eri\u015fim bak\u0131m\u0131ndan dezavantajl\u0131 duruma d\u00fc\u015fmemelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu konuda Partimizin temel yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, devletin hi\u00e7bir inanc\u0131 tahakk\u00fcm arac\u0131 haline getirmedi\u011fi; fakat toplumun yerle\u015fik inan\u00e7 de\u011ferlerine sayg\u0131 g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi bir anayasal dengedir. Bu ba\u011flamda T\u00fcrkiye toplumunun b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun M\u00fcsl\u00fcman oldu\u011fu sosyolojik ger\u00e7e\u011fi, anayasal d\u00fczen taraf\u0131ndan yok say\u0131lmamal\u0131; adalet ilkesi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Unutulmamal\u0131d\u0131r ki; inan\u00e7 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc anayasal d\u00fczenin turnusol ka\u011f\u0131d\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu alan g\u00fcvencedeyse, di\u011fer \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler de g\u00fcvence alt\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" style=\"font-size:18px\">Ailenin Korunmas\u0131: Neslin ve Toplumun Teminat\u0131<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>Aile, toplumsal devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n temelidir. Aile zay\u0131flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda yaln\u0131z bireyler de\u011fil; toplumun b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc zarar g\u00f6r\u00fcr. K\u00fcresel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte aile kurumunu zay\u0131flatan e\u011filimler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda anayasal koruma daha da \u00f6nem kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Yeni anayasal \u00e7er\u00e7evede aile, toplumsal yap\u0131n\u0131n asli kurumu olarak konumland\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. Kad\u0131nlar ve \u00e7ocuklar her t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u015fiddet ve istismara kar\u015f\u0131 etkin bi\u00e7imde korunmal\u0131d\u0131r. Evlili\u011fin te\u015fvik edilmesi ve kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, gen\u00e7lerin aile kurma \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engellerin azalt\u0131lmas\u0131 anayasal sorumluluk alan\u0131 i\u00e7inde yer al\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>H\u00dcDA PAR olarak aileyi korunmas\u0131 gereken asli toplumsal yap\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Neslin g\u00fcvenli\u011fini tehdit eden sapk\u0131n ideolojik y\u00f6nelimler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda devletin sorumlulu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde tan\u0131mlanmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Aileyi korumak \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri daraltmak de\u011fil; insan haysiyetini ve toplumsal istikrar\u0131 korumakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" style=\"font-size:18px\">2025 Toplumsal Mutabakat Aray\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>2025 y\u0131l\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde partimiz H\u00dcDA PAR taraf\u0131ndan d\u00fczenlenen \u201cToplumsal Mutabakat Aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve Yeni Anayasa \u00c7al\u0131\u015ftay\u0131\u201d, anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 teknik de\u011fi\u015fiklik d\u00fczleminden \u00e7\u0131kararak kurucu s\u00f6zle\u015fme zeminine ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015ftay farkl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce \u00e7evrelerini, akademisyenleri, hukuk\u00e7ular\u0131 ve kanaat \u00f6nderlerini bir araya getirmi\u015f; anayasa meselesi hak ve adalet ekseninde tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ortak kanaat a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r: T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ihtiyac\u0131 darbe d\u00f6neminin ruhunu ta\u015f\u0131yan bir metnin revizyonu de\u011fil; yeni bir kurucu iradedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Toplumsal mutabakat tek seslilik de\u011fildir; farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n hukuk i\u00e7inde birlikte ya\u015fama iradesidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\" style=\"font-size:18px\">S\u00fcre\u00e7 ve Tarih\u00ee Sorumluluk<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye tarihsel bir e\u015fikte durmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Soru art\u0131k \u201cYeni anayasa m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fc?\u201d de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>As\u0131l soru \u015fudur: Vesayet\u00e7i miras\u0131n g\u00f6lgesinde ya\u015famaya devam m\u0131 edilecek, yoksa adalet merkezli yeni bir kurucu s\u00f6zle\u015fmeyle T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in yeni bir e\u015fik mi a\u00e7\u0131lacak?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Yeni anayasa bir partinin de\u011fil; bir milletin ortak hukuk zemini olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:18px\">Devleti tahkim eden de\u011fil; devleti hukuk i\u00e7inde tutan bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve ortaya koymal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:18px\">\u0130nsan\u0131 merkeze almal\u0131; hakk\u0131 \u00fcst\u00fcn tutmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:18px\">T\u00fcrkiye bu e\u015fi\u011fi a\u015fabilecek birikime sahiptir. Mesele imk\u00e2n de\u011fil; irade, cesaret ve samimiyet meselesidir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Av. Mahmut \u015eAH\u0130N \/ H\u00dcDA PAR Genel Ba\u015fkan Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131, \u0130nsan Haklar\u0131 ve Hukuk \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Toplumsal Mutabakat\u0131n Hukuki ve Ahlaki Zemini Anayasa, normlar hiyerar\u015fisinin en \u00fcst\u00fcnde yer alan teknik bir hukuk metninden ibaret de\u011fildir. O, siyasal iktidar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen, egemenli\u011fin kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mlayan ve bir toplumun hangi de\u011ferler etraf\u0131nda birlikte ya\u015fayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koyan kurucu iradedir. Bu [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":33,"featured_media":225,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[8,7,9],"issue":[3],"class_list":["post-127","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-202604_1","tag-huda-par","tag-hur-dava-partisi","tag-mahmut-sahin","issue-nisan-2026"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/127","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/33"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=127"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/127\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":250,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/127\/revisions\/250"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/225"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=127"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=127"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=127"},{"taxonomy":"issue","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ozgurcedergi.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fissue&post=127"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}